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THE SANTALS: THEIR TRADITIONS AND INSTITUTIONS IN BANGLADESH By Fr. Marcus Murmu

Introduction

Every ethnic group or society has its own unique characteristics, value-systems, traditional mores, life-attitudes, social hierarchies, religion and traditions. It has its own approach to life and death, disease and sickness, individual and community, and above all, a sense of identity. This sense of identity or cultural self-image always has positive and negative facets; it defines the traits of solidarity and uniqueness of the ethnic group, and also seeks differences with other groups in the larger society around. [1] There is no doubt that traditions and institutions have a very great and important role to play in defining a sense of identity. The Santals, as a tribe, are extremely proud of their traditions and institutions and they believe in the idea of a “Great Tradition” [2] to which they are heirs. Being aware of the role of traditions and institutions in defining a sense of identity, this chapter highlights the unique features of Santal Traditions and Institutions with its various changes throughout the course of history.

I. Historical Background

Since pre-historic times, India has been the homeland of a large number of ethnic groups and cultures. These various ethnic groups, believed to be the earliest inhabitants of the country, are known by various names [3], the most popularly and extensively known term being “Adibasi”. Anthropologically there is no concept of “Adibasi” or “tribe” as a race. The United Nations has designated the Tribal People of the world as “Indigenous People”. In 1993, the Year of the Indigenous People, the World Council of Indigenous People made the following proposal for the term:

Indigenous People are such population groups as we are, who from old-age times have inhabited the lands where we live, who are aware of having a character of our own, with social traditions and means of expressions that are linked to the country inherited from our ancestors, with a language of our own and having certain essential and unique characteristics which confer upon us the strong conviction of belonging to a people, who have an identity in ourselves and should be thus regarded by others [4].

Many of these groups have more or less preserved their sense of a separate social and cultural identity as far as their customs and regulations are concerned. Since 1891, these ethnic groups have been enumerated in different Census Reports as people having a tribal form of religion (1891), animists (1901), tribal animists or tribal religion (1911), hill and forest tribe (1921), primitive tribe (1931), tribe (1941) and scheduled tribe (1951, 1961, 1971). According to the 1971 Census, the Scheduled Tribes population in India was 38,015,162 or 6.9% of the total population [5]. The Constitution of India does not consider all tribal communities as Scheduled Tribes. It is evident from article 342 which:

provides for specification of tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within tribes or tribal communities which are to be deemed for the purpose of the Constitution to be Scheduled Tribes in relation to the various States and Union Territories [6].

A. Identity of the Santals and their Life-Setting

The Santals have no recorded history and all that is known of them has come down by word of mouth handed down from generation to generation. They consider written history as unreliable and therefore depend on their oral traditions. This is expressed in their proverb: Puthi reak’ khon tuthi reak’ sorosa (memory is superior to books or the mouth is our printed book). We may not agree with them but the oral traditions of a race as ancient and virile as the Santals, are a fascinating study and one full of interest [7]. As a matter of fact, Santal folktales are a very important means for the preservation of their tribal knowledge, tribal integrity and cultural identity. They assert values, create solidarity and inspire confidence.

1. Name and Origin

The Santals are one of India’s largest homogenous Scheduled Tribes, numbering 3,633,459 or 9.55% of the country’s Scheduled Tribes’ population according to the 1971 Census. This figure, however, does not include a fairly large number of Santals to be found in certain States like Assam [8] and Meghalaya where they are not listed as Scheduled Tribes. Fairly large numbers of Santals are also to be found in Orissa (numerous in Mayurbhanj district), Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan. The Santals are found mostly in the south-eastern districts of Bihar and the bordering districts of West Bengal. In Bihar, the Santals are in the districts of Santal Parganas, Ranchi, Baghalpur, Singhbhum, Hazaribagh, Dhanbad, and Purnea. In West Bengal, they are mostly concentrated in the districts of Midnipur, Purulia, Burdwan, Bankura, West Dinajpur, Birbhum, 24 Parganas and Malda [9].

1.1 - The Name Santal

As regards the name Santal, there are various opinions. H. H. Risley proposes the following:

According to Mr. Skrefsrud, the name Santal is a corruption of Saontar, and was adopted by the tribe after their sojourn for several generations in the country about Saont in Midnipur. Before they went to Saont they are said to have been called Kherwar, the root of which, khar, is variant of hor “man”, the name which all Santals use among themselves. As regards the derivation of the name from Saont, an obscure village, somewhat off the main line of their recent migrations, it may be observed that Colonel Dalton suggested a doubt whether the name of the place may not have been taken from the tribe, and this view seems to derive some support from the discovery of a small tribe of Saonts in Sarguja and Keunjhar. The point, however, is not one of great importance. At the present day when a Santal is asked what caste he belongs to, he will almost invariably reply Manjhi (literally, “village headman”, one of the commonest titles of the tribe), adding Santal Manjhi if further explanation is demanded of him [10].

According to W. B. Oldham, Santal is an abbreviation of Samantawala which is derived from a Sanscrit word Samanta, another name given to the country around Saont. O’Malley is of the opinion that Santal is an English form adopted from Hindi which corresponds with the form Saontar used by the Bengali speaking peoples’. It is very interesting to note that Sir John Shore designated Santals as Soontars while McPherson mentioned the name as Saungtars [11].

Despite the various opinions regarding the name, most Anthropologists are agreed that Santal is a name given to this tribe by non-Santals, most probably originating from the Sanscrit term Samanta, meaning “bordering” [12] and this view seems to derive support from the fact that the Santals are mostly concentrated in bordering areas. Whatever may be the name, Santals among themselves use the term Hor meaning “man” and they like to be called by the same term to designate their identity. In the past, the term Manjhi was also used to designate the identity of the Santals as is evident from the various Dalil or legal documents, especially the documents of the land properties.

1.2 - History of their Origins

As to the origin of the Santals, it is not possible to be absolutely certain since very little is known for certain. As mentioned earlier, the Santals have no recorded history. Like other human beings, they have tried to explore the mysteries of creation, history and life by means of myths and legends. There is a current traditional mythological story about the origin of first human pair.

In the beginning there was only water all over. At the bottom of the water there was land. The Thakur-Jiu [13] made the first human pair of earth; but when he was going to give them jiu (life-spirit) the Sin’ Sadom (literally, Day-Horse) came and smashed them into pieces. Thakur-Jiu was grieved and said that he would not make them of earth; he would make birds. So he created a pair of Swans (Has Hasil) having taken from his breast. He kept this pair in his hand and breathed on them and they became alive and flew off. But as they did not find any place to alight, they came back to Thakur-Jiu. The Day Horse came down along the gossamer thread to drink water. While doing this he spilt and left some froth; this floated on the water. The Thakur-Jiu now told the two birds to alight on the froth. They did so and floating about all over the sea. But they had nothing to eat. All was covered by water and the Thakur-Jiu called upon a number of animals to bring up earth; none of them succeeded until the earth-worm was asked; but he promised to do so, provided the tortoise would stand on the water. The earth-worm had his tail on the back of the tortoise, ate earth with his mouth and let it come out on the back of the tortoise. Now the Thakur-Jiu harrowed the earth, thereby producing hills and valleys. The froth mentioned adhered to the earth and Thakur-Jiu sowed different seeds of grass, trees, and at last all kinds of vegetation. Then the birds made their nest in clutch of Sirom grass (Andropogon muricatus). Here they laid two eggs, and from these a boy and a girl were hatched out. The Thakur-Jiu instructed the birds how to feed them. They should let the juice of what they themselves ate fall on the cotton and this they should put in their mouth to suck. The next trouble was to where they should keep them when they grew up. They again implored Thakur-Jiu who told them to fly and find a place. They flew towards the setting of the sun and found Hihiri Pipiri and at the Thakur-Jiu’s order they took them flying with them on their backs. This was the place where first human pair [14] lived. What happened to the birds afterwards is not known, they say [15].

The traditions further tell us that from Hihiri Pipiri they had to pass several countries to reach Sasan Beda and from there they went to Campa from where, after a long sojourn, they had to flee out of fear of having their daughters ravished by Mandho Sin’, a non-Santal powerful tyrant. Wherever may be the origin of the Santals, their traditional mythological story communicates the first part of the Santals history in the following four lines:

We were born in Hihiri Pipiri,

We were called to Promised Kaman,

We grew and multiplied at Harata,

We were divided into clans at Sasan Beda [16].

Since the Santals have no written records of their own, several conjectural theories have been advanced regarding the origin of the Pre-Dravidian tribes who were once highly nomadic according to the traditions. Efforts have also been made by different scholars to identify the countries, rivers, hills, forests, etc., mentioned but due to the lack of proper supporting evidence from other sources, it has never been possible to offer any definite and universal theory [17]. W. W. Hunter’s opinion seems to be right when he says:

Owing to the migratory habits of the Santals, and the system of shifting cultivation that they practise, their origin is peculiarly difficult to determine. Santal settlements melt away so readily, either with the disappearance of the forests, or at the contact of intruding Hindus, leave so little in the way of permanent monuments behind, that at present I understand it to be an open question among ethnologists, from which direction the race made its way into the region which it now occupies [18].

1.3 - Racial Identity of the Santals

As concerns the racial ethnology, there are diverse opinions among the scholars and there is no means of ascertaining which opinion is correct and definite. The complexion of the Santals is dark-brown, rarely very dark, but never like that of the Negroes and often fairly light. Eyes are of medium size and of black colour. Hair is generally coarse, black, and straight. Individuals may have wavy and frizzly hair, occasionally curly, never, however, like that what is seen in Africa. The nose is generally broad and a little flat. The Santals generally have a scanty beard, little hair on the body and thick lips. Physically, they are sturdy, straight limbed and strong and their height varies much but as a rule, it is a little less than the Aryans [19].

The Santals have their own language known as Santali which belongs to the Munda family of languages. Peter W. Schmidt has classified the Mundari language as sub-family of the Austro-Asiatic language group [20]. As the Santals belong to the Munda family of languages, they have been classified by Anthropologists as pre-Dravidians, Kolarians, Dravidians, Proto-Australoids, Nishadies and Austrics. Risley’s classification of the pure Dravidians stock is considered by many as outdated because the Santals racially differ from the Dravidian speaking tribes. Peter W. Schmidt classified the Santals as Austro-Asiatics, A. C. Haddon as pre-Dravidian, Guha as proto-Australoids, because of the racial similarity with the aborigines of Australia. Observing the general physical characteristics of the Santals P. O. Bodding has doubted the existence of a Negroid element among them and Dr. Hrdlicka corroborating with this view has suggested that the Santals are a Mongolian admixture. S. S. Sarkar thinks that the Santals appear to possess a strong Australoid strain in addition to a Mongoloid element [21].

From the above theories, it is evident that no one is scientifically certain about the racial identity of the Santals. To get all necessary facts and proofs it would be most desirable to have Santals scientifically studied and measured. Although it is not satisfactory to rest one’s opinion only on probable conjectures, Guha’s opinion which identifies the Santals as Proto-Australoids still seems to derive support from the fact that there is a racial similarity between Santals and the aborigines in Australia. We may add that the present-day Santals are not an unmixed race. During the last generations, perhaps also formerly, there must have been a mixture of other blood. That is why the Proto-Australoids are also known as Austrics [22]. Whatever may be the racial identity of the Santals, evidently they possess very primitive components.

2. Synopsis of the Santals’ Migration and Settlement

The history of the Santals is the history of a hard struggle with their surroundings just to maintain their existence. Their faithfulness and simple heartiness made them an easy prey for exploitation by unjust landlords and other superior groups.

The Santals have a good number of traditions, describing the wandering of their ancestors. They begin with the creation of the world and of the first human pair who are believed to be their first parents. It is believed that the first human pair started their life at Hihiri Pipiri where they had seven boys and seven girls. These seven boys and seven girls were paired off, the eldest boy choosing the eldest girl and the youngest boy the youngest girl. Seeing this, their parents married them and all got children. To avoid incest, their parents divided them into seven exogamous clans: Hasdak’, Murmu, Kisku, Hembrom, Mardi, Soren and Tudu.

Then they migrated to Khojkaman where they became like animals [23]. In this situation their Supreme Deity, Thakur-Jiu became very angry and told them to change their ways of living. But they did not heed him. Finally, Thakur-Jiu destroyed all mankind except a couple by raining down fire for seven days and nights. The couple was sent to a cave at Harata mountain where the Santals once again increased and multiplied. Then they migrated to Sasan Beda where they stayed for a long time and, once more, were divided into clans (besides the above mentioned seven clans five more: Baske, Besra, Pauria, Core and Bedea were added, the last of which disappeared long ago). From here the ancestors wandered towards the East till they finally reached the Campa land [24].

According to the traditions, the Santals and their ancestors have been wanderers from one land to another, at times, staying for generations in one place, but while migrating always more or less towards the East, not to the West. Almost all their traditions maintain the same direction and the Santals believe that they have come from the West [25]. The earliest settlements of which Santal tradition speaks, especially those in Hihiri Pipiri and Cai Campa, lie on the north-western frontier of the table-land of Hazaribagh and in the direct line of advance of the numerous Hindu immigrants from Bihar, who, according to the report of the Rev. J. Philip, undoubtedly drove the Santals eastward [26].

Whatever the Santal’s original habitat might have been, they were found in large number in Chotonagpur, especially in the districts of Hazaribagh, Palamau and Singhbhum and in the neighbouring districts of Midnipur and Birbhum around the middle of the 18th century. Towards the end of the 18th century, they began to migrate to the Rajmahal Hills, situated on the north-eastern side of the Chotonagpur plateau. In 1833, the British Government demarcated the area of Rajmahal Hills, comprising 1,366 square miles which came to be known as the Damin-i-Koh (literally, ‘the skirts of the hills’) and the Santals were encouraged to settle in the area. By 1851, the Santal population increased from 3,000 to 82,795 in this area and Damin-i-Koh became the centre of Santal life. As the Santals grew numerous, the Government made land revenue settlements with them, under the superintendency of James Pontet which for the first time in the history of the Santals provided some form of land tenure [27].

The Santal Insurrection of 1855-1856 is the most important event in the history of the Santals. It has become part and parcel of their consciousness. It was the outcome of a ‘long course of oppression silently and patiently submitted to by these unsophisticated people unaccustomed to fight for their own rights in the legitimate ways of their neighbours’ [28]. The reason behind this insurrection is well expressed in the Calcutta Review:

… a combined system of extortion, oppressive exactions, forcible possessions of property, abuse and personal violence and a variety of petty tyrannies upon the timid and yielding Sonthal. Usurious interest on loans of money ranging from 50 to 500 percent; false measures at the haut (temporary market) and market; wilful and uncharitable trespass by the rich … and such like illegalities have been prevalent [29].

After intermittent battles over a year, the rebellion was eventually crushed by the British. The insurrection (Hul), despite its failure, had a major influence on subsequent British policies towards the Santals. It convinced the British Government of the necessity of adopting enhanced judicial and administrative reforms. As a result, by the Act of XXXVII of 22 December 1855, the territory in and around the Damin-i-Koh was formed into a separate ‘non-regular district’ called Santal Parganas which Santals consider their homeland and Dumka became the capital of the district. By the Police Rules of 1856, the Santals’ traditional administrative system was recognised and the Manjhi and the Pargana were given police powers. The Deputy Commissioner was empowered to appoint and dismiss a Manjhi or a Pargana. Moreover, by the Land Tenancy Act of 1885, the Santals further benefited because by reason of this Act, no land could be bought by non-Santals and vice versa [30].

3. The Santals in Bangladesh

As we have seen, the Santals first began to migrate into the hills and forests of the Santal Parganas towards the end of the 18th century. They rapidly spread over the whole of the hilly parts of the district, destroying the forest and bringing all suitable land under cultivation. The annual tax was a trifling at first, and gradually increased as the work of reclamation progressed. After a few years, the landlords also began to demand a much higher sum as rent to harass the villagers in various ways. Usually, the villagers would then abandon the lands cleared and embanked with so much labour and used to move to some fresh virgin forests where the same process would be repeated.

During the 19th century, due to the disappearance of forests and the growing population, there was no longer any scope for this process. At the same time, smouldering discontent led to the agrarian troubles. It was pointed out by Sir Edward Gait in 1901 that the Santals migrations kept on rolling towards upland country with laterite soil. During this time, the Santals had overrun not only the Santal Parganas and Chotonagpur but the laterite tracts of Malda (India), Dinajpur, Rajshahi and Bogra (Bangladesh) [31]. Pier Bessignet is of the opinion that most of the Santals of Bangladesh have migrated from Chotonagpur and Santal Parganas [32].

Bangladesh is officially known as the “People’s Republic of Bangladesh”, a small coastal country of south central Asia, covering an area of 55,598 sq. miles. The capital city is Dhaka. It lies between latitudes 20°30' and 26°15' north (about 390 miles from its extreme north and south extensions) and between longitudes 88°30' and 92°15' east (about 190 miles from east to west). To the South, it has an irregular coastline fronting the Bay of Bengal and is bordered on the south-east by Myanmar (Burma). The Indian states of West Bengal to the west and north and Assam to the north and east comprise the border between Bangladesh and India. According to 1994 Census report the following data are recorded:

Table: 1 - Division-wise Population of Bangladesh 1994[33]

Division Male Female Total
Barisal 3,937,817 3,819,517 7,757,334
Chittagong 14,869,814 14,145,408 29,015,222
Dhaka 17,633,710 16,306,138 33,939,848
Khulna 6,813,218 6,429,836 13,243,054
Rajshahi 14,059,370 13,440,357 27,499,727
BANGLADESH 57,313,929 54,141,256 111,455,185

The same Census of 1994 reports that religion-wise, there are 88.3% Muslim, 10.5% Hindu, 0.6% Buddhist, 0.3% Christians and 0.3% others. The accurate number of the aboriginal tribes in Bangladesh is still unknown. According to Fr. Stephen Gomes, the number of tribal population in Bangladesh is approximately 1,392,008, whereas the 1994 Census number them 1,205,978 which forms 1.33% of the total population. It is very difficult to give an accurate number of aboriginal tribes. Most probably, the total population of the Adibasi will never be less than 2,500,000. They are divided into 58 groups according to their own identity. These tribal people are scattered mainly in Chittagong-Hill Tracts, greater Sylhet, Mymensingh, Rangpur, Dinajpur, Rajshahi, Bogra, Pabna and Kustia districts of the country [34].

The Santals are the most influential aboriginal tribe of Bangladesh, mainly concentrated in North Bengal, numbering about 225,000 [35]. District-wise they are found in Rajshahi, Chapai Nawabgonj, Natore, Bogra, Joypurhat, Nogaon, Pabna, Dinajpur, Thakurgaon, Rangpur, Gaibandha, Sirajganj, Sylhet and Kustia. Most probably, they migrated into the area of Bangladesh toward the end of the 19th century or at the beginning of the 20th century.

B. Traditions and Institutions of the Santals

The Santals are remarkably homogenous. Their integrity and social identity “is not maintained by face to face interaction and participation but by common cultural traditions, tribal sentiments and awareness of kind”[36]. Throughout the course of their social evolution, despite dispersion, crisis and impact of various political-cultural changes, the Santals have been able to preserve their homogenous identity by mobilising their language, institutions of kinship, ritual and social organization. This homogeneity is well-expressed by Datta-Majumdar in the following statement:

The traditional democratic organization of the Santal has … shown tenaciousness in continued existence in those areas where direct political pressure has been brought to bear upon it .… In spite of the adoption of few Hindu deities and festivals, and the abandonment of few festivals in some districts such as Birbhum, the basic character of Santal religion has been seen to remain intact … different aspects of (the) Santal way of life have shown a differential rate of change, yet the interrelationship of various aspects in the dynamics of change has not led to a disintegration of Santal culture as a whole. Change in one aspect, rather has led to a concomitant change in another[37].

The social life of the Santals is highly organized and complete in itself. It is based on their traditional village organization and political organization which, as they believe, are the fruit of their ancestors’ experiences. Thus the Santal Traditions and Institutions call our special attention.

1. Traditions

The Santals have a number of traditions, some very detailed, describing the identity of their ancestors and their wanderings. They begin with the creation of the world and of the first human pair, the first parents of the Santals who were created by Thakur-Jiu and were settled at Hihiri-Pipiri, a place geographically still unknown. As the mythological story continues, the first human pair, known as Pilcu Haram and Pilcu Budhi (literally, an Old Man and an Old Woman) were taught to brew rice-beer by Lita Haram[38] who also induced them to drink it, but before doing so they were to make libation of it to Maran Buru (literally, “great mountain”), one of the principal deities of the Santals; they became drunk and had intercourse in this state. The years rolled by. They had seven sons and seven daughters born to them.

The traditions further tell how all mankind, except one couple, were destroyed by the Creator due to their moral degradation. All present mankind, as the Santals believe, are the descendants of this saved couple. While they were at Harata they greatly increased and multiplied and were called Kherwars. Then from there, they migrated to Sasan Beda where they were divided into races and the Santals into clans. From here the ancestors wandered towards the East and eventually settled in Cai Campa in Hazaribagh where they remained several generations and finally migrated to Santal Parganas, their present home[39]. H. H. Risley further remarks:

A tradition is noticed by Colonel Dalton of an old fort in Cai occupied by Jaura, a Santal king, who destroyed himself and his family on hearing of the approach of a Muhammedan army under Syed Ibrahim Ali Alias Malik Baya, a general of Mohammad Tuglak, who dies in 1353[40].

The tradition again enumerates that there are twelve patrilineal exogamous clans[41], but only eleven are known to exist now. The Santals believe that the first seven clans are descended from the first seven sons of their first parents and that the last five clans are branched out in the course of a later development. In the past and still at present, it is believed that the clans like Kisku, Murmu, Soren and Mardi are respectively the clans of king, priest, soldier and farmers. Each clan is divided again into a number of khut or sub-clans mainly for religious functions[42].

2. Institutions

It is important to know those things which are significant for a particular tribe, especially those memories of the past and hopes for the future which the tribe holds, their self-appraisal, institutions and attitudes to which they are instinctively attached, in short, the things which make up the ‘Folk-Consciousness’. According to W. J. Culshaw, “blood” and “soil” are the twin bases of a “folk”. It is beyond question that the conception of “blood” in the sense of heredity enters deeply into the consciousness of the Santals. W. J. Culshaw may be right when he says:

It is not without significance that the Santals do not call themselves by the name with which they are designated by other people. In common with many other tribes, they call themselves “men” (hor); relic of an age perhaps when other races were unknown, or at least regarded as belonging to different species[43].

Whether consciously or unconsciously the Santals have a very strong and deep feeling of “oneness”, i.e. , the feeling of the ‘unity of the tribe’ or ‘Santalness’. Certainly this feeling is centred in “blood”, the knowledge of the common ancestry and an instinctive sense of the obligations which arise from it. Observing the Santals’ deepest sense of unity and solidarity based on the traditional mythological story, W. G. Archer is of the opinion that it is the tribe, rather than the clan or sub-clan, that is significant in Santal life[44]. The loyalty of the Santals to the solidarity of the tribe is expressed through various institutions. It is not easy to distinguish the institutions as legislative, judicial and administrative organs because they are intimately intermingled. The essential and the most fundamental institutions which govern the life of the Santal tribe and serve as a unifying force are the following:

2.1 - The Village

Anthropologists have studied the village as an autonomous human institution from the point of view of political institutions and processes, social interactions, inter-personal and inter-family relationships, etc., and have come to the conclusion that the village, despite various influences and changes, has retained its particular traditional institution. The Santal village, being the most traditional and ancient institution, crystallised a whole system of social, political, and ritual structures. It comes into existence through the special dispensation of the bongas and is sanctified by their blessings. The Santals believe in a world of bongas[45], both good and evil. Accordingly, good bongas need to be propitiated to preserve the natural harmony, while the evil bongas need to be propitiated to ensure good crops and the prosperity of the village. The Santals also believe that quarrels among families and groups in the village, calamities, epidemics, etc., are caused by the lack of balance between the forces of good and evil[46].

2.2 - Jaherthan (Sacred Grove)

The Sacred Grove is one of the essential institutions of the village. It is called Jaherthan or sacred grove, a place for community worship, usually on the outskirts of the village. The jaherthan as it is popularly known, is a cluster of sarjom trees (shorea robusta) which used to be in the middle of the sarjom forests in historical times when there were jungles everywhere. It is a consecrated place of worship where the jaher bongas or the village spirits reside, namely the Maran Buru (literally, “great mountain”), the Moreko-Turuiko (literally, “five-six”), the Jaher Era (the presiding goddess of the Santals), the Gosae Era (the benevolent spirit) and the Pargana bonga (the spirit of the Pargana). The spirits of the jaherthan are considered national spirits and are worshipped by sacrificial offerings during the principal festivals, like Sohrae (Harvest festival), Baha (Flower festival), Erok’ Sim (Sowing festival), Hariar Sim (Sprouting festival) and Janthar (First fruit festival)[47].

2.3 - Manjhithan (Abode of the spirit of Headman)

The manjhithan is another essential and important traditional institution of the Santals, a special place built for the spirit of the manjhi facing the manjhi’s house. It is believed that the manjhi bonga resides in the manjhithan and is represented by a stone at the foot of its central wooden post. It is the traditional belief that this spirit acts as the adviser of the headman and the authority of the headman is derived from the manjhi bonga. The headman himself propitiates this spirit by offering libations of rice-beer and sacrificing two pigeons for the benefit of himself and his family along with the village. This institution is also used by the village council to settle any type of village disputes[48].

2.4 - Institution of Matrimony

Marriage is viewed as a socially sanctioned relationship between a man and a woman. The traditional institution of matrimony, with its culturally patterned norms regularly specifies who may or may not enter into marriage, how it may be established and terminated and what each partner may or may not do. W. G. Archer defines Santal marriage as the transfer of a person and each transfer is a vehicle for claims - public, exact and rigid. Thus the function of the institution is to control and regulate these claims and charges, to enunciate rituals, to concede rights and duties, to control expenditure and to impose standards. Finally, it defines the conditions which accord a Santal union the status of a valid marriage[49].

2.5 - Tribal Endogamy and Clan Exogamy

The Santals are one of the largest homogenous tribes in Bangladesh. They still have a very stringent rule regarding tribal endogamy to preserve and protect their tribal solidarity and identity. As a rule, a Santal cannot marry a non-Santal and violation of this rule is an abhorrence for the Santals and is considered a threat to their tribal unity and identity. Bitlaha (mass punishment for the major offences which is accompanied by excommunication) is sanctioned for this offence. According to the Santal understanding, if any Santal girl has sexual relations with a non-Santal, she has polluted not only herself but the tribe; she has degraded the tribe ‘in the very womb’[50].

The Santals, like Israelites, are divided into twelve clans or septs (paris): Hasdak’, Murmu, Kisku, Hembrom, Mardi, Soren, Tudu, Baske, Besra, Pauria, Core and Bedea. These clans are further divided into a number of sub-clans or sub-septs (khuts), the number of which varies from clan to clan. There is a diversity of opinion concerning the number of sub-clans.

The principal function of the clan and sub-clan organization is to preserve and defend the traditional rule of clan exogamy. In other words, a man cannot marry a member of his own clan and sub-clan. In practice, present Santal society does not consider the sub-clan an impediment to marriage. The prohibition of inter-clan marriage is so extremely rigid that it prohibits a man from marrying a girl belonging to his mother’s clan and the violation of this rule used to incur bitlaha, i.e., a mass punishment accompanied by excommunication from the society. The rule of clan exogamy, in fact, preserves the memory of the tie of blood which connects the members of the clan and thus furnishes an additional security against unconscious incest[51].

2.6 - Judicial Institutes

The most fundamental and traditional judicial institution is the Manjhi Council (village council). Every village is governed by its village council and all minor problems of the village are settled by this village council. We may compare the village council with the tribunal which is empowered to judge cases in the first instance. The council is also responsible for the villagers’ relation with the outside world as well as for religious functions.

There are two other judicial institutes which can be called tribunals of the second and third instance. They are the Pargana Council and the Desh Manjhi Council which deal with major offences and unresolved cases, and thus they are used as appeal courts. These two superior courts also act as legislative bodies: they have both legislative and executive power. By virtue of this power they can issue certain rules and regulations in accord with the traditional tribal laws and customs.

There is another judicial institute called lo bir baisi (forest council). It is an informal court which the Santals consider their highest judicial organ. According to Kolean Haram (an old leader), it was the only judicial institute which could sanction a bitlaha, and therefore, matters were kept in suspension until the hunt[52] met. Apart from bitlaha cases (violation of tribal endogamy and clan exogamy), if there is a dispute between the officials of a village and the parganas, this is also taken to the forest council and is decided by the people[53]. Usually this council sat once a year. At present, this practice has been given up as such but it is still in force in another form, e.g., the offences against tribal endogamy and clan exogamy are still adjudicated in a public council but in a moderate way.

2.7 - Bitlaha (Major Excommunication)

The Santals have their own system for punishing their offenders. The institution of Bitlaha is a mass punishment for major tribal offences. According to the tradition, two offences come under this Bitlaha: the offence against tribal endogamy and the offence against clan exogamy. It is a very impressive and much dreaded form of Santal punishment and was a unique Santal institution. W. G. Archer has given a most vivid account of this institution as follows:

The ritual of the ceremony is one of the most impressive in the whole range of Santal life. It is performed by an enormous crowd. It is done to the thunder and roll of drums. The crowd advances on the house in long surging lines. Finally, a ceremony of symbolic defilement is performed in the heart of the courtyard. In its disciplined expression of revolted disgust, its savage dignity, the ceremony is unique…[54].

C. Important Stages of their Life-Cycle

The life-cycle of an individual Santal is marked by several different rites and ceremonies connected with various stages of life. These rites are mainly concerned with Santal traditional beliefs and practices concerning both the benevolent and the malevolent spirits. The rites and ceremonies are performed to secure the active help of the benevolent spirits and the passive forbearance of the malevolent ones so as to ensure the safety, well-being and prosperity of the individual and his family at different stages in the life-cycle. The most important stages in the life-cycle of a Santal are janam chatiar (birth), caco chatiar (initiation), bapla (marriage) and moron (death).

1. Janam Chatiar (Birth)

The birth of a child is a great event among the Santals. The birth of a child imposes on the family a new set of rights and duties. The child becomes a fresh claimant to family property[55]. At the birth of a child, both the village and the family are considered unclean. As a matter of fact, no sacrifice or other religious ceremony is performed. The purification ceremony after childbirth is called Janam Chatiar. Janam means ‘birth’ and Chatiar, a word connected with the Hindi word chut which means ‘polluting’[56]. Until this ceremony takes place, no one is even allowed to eat or drink with the family. The cleansing ceremony in which the whole village community as well as the relatives and friends of the family participate usually takes place five days after the birth of a boy and three days after the birth of a girl. In the cleansing ceremony, the child is given a name[57]. The name-giving ceremony is the essential part of the Janam Chatiar ceremony because in giving the child a name, the father recognizes the child as his own and the child acquires a definite status in the village and among its kinsfolk. In fact, the child is recognized to be a Santal. The name-giving also imparts the social obligations of the household to the newly born child. This cleansing ceremony has mainly a three-fold function: 1) to purify the house and the village from the defilement caused by the birth of a child; 2) to name the child, thus formally admitting him/her into the father’s clan and sub-clan and giving the protection of father’s spirits and 3) to incorporate the child into the ‘outer fringes of the tribe’.

2. Caco Chatiar (Initiation)

Besides the Janam Chatiar, there is another most important purificatory ceremony called Caco Chatiar. Though the word caco literally means ‘a toddler’ this purificatory ceremony is performed any time before marriage usually between four and twelve years of age. Every Santal has to undergo an initiation rite through the Caco Chatiar ceremony by which it is believed that a Santal becomes a member of the Santal society with full rights, duties and privileges. The most important aspect of the ceremony is the recitation of the myth which narrates the creation of the world and the wanderings of their ancestors till they occupied their present habitat[58].

The Santals also believe in the next world with its joys and sufferings. It is expressed explicitly with a typical mark. In boyhood each man is branded with a sika (a mark on his left forearm, midway between the wrist and the elbow). The mark is both the sign of being a Santal and of the belief in life and death. The first mark represents life (jion) and the second death (moron). An odd number is considered the sign of life. Girls are not branded but bear a tattoo mark on their palms, arms and breasts. It is believed that a Santal who dies without any mark or with an even mark will be eaten up by an enormous worm called by the Santals, Jom Raja, the ruler of Hell or Norok[59].

3. Bapla (Marriage)

The most important stage in the life-cycle of a Santal is undoubtedly marriage. In Bangladesh, the Santals possess a flexible and intricate tribal marriage system. Marriage is so important among the Santals that it says, “nobody but an idiot remains a celibate”[60] and a man who remains single is at once despised by both sexes, and “is classified next to a thief or a witch; they term the unhappy wretch as ‘No man’”[61]. It is a bit surprising that though marriage is of such importance among the Santals, child marriage is very rare among them. The general custom prevalent is to contract a monogamous marriage. Polygamy is favoured only when a wife is barren. According to the Santals, only a fool can live with more than one wife for, as the proverb goes, “A co-wife pricks like spear grass”. As a rule, adult marriage is favoured by the Santals. Although the marriage is planned and arranged by the parents, the parties concerned are given freedom of choice. A bride is always expected to be younger than the groom[62].

We have already mentioned that the Santals have very stringent marriage laws of tribal endogamy and clan exogamy to protect their tribal integrity and solidarity. The tribal endogamy is regarded as a threat to the tribe’s integrity and the clan exogamy incestuous. According to their traditions, their ancestors twice ran away from the country to protect their rule of tribal endogamy. In a strict sense, the only forbidden degree of consanguinity in relation to marriage are brothers and sisters, cross cousins and parallel cousins. However, in practice, the Santals recognize relationships up to three generations as impediment to marriage. By general custom, senior levirate and sororate are tabooed. There also exists a social reluctance towards inter-village marriage for, as the proverb says, “A hen and a bride from the same village run to their homes” or “Parents-in law in the same village are like broken pipes. The fire falls out. They hear each other’s quarrels”.

The Santals, in principle, were not in favour of divorce and, in fact, divorce was very rare among them. Still considering awkward or incompatible situations, three justifying reasons were socially recognized for divorce in favour of the husband: 1) adultery; 2) witchcraft; 3) sterility. A man may also seek divorce for other reasons, such as if the wife is too extravagant and wastes the family resources or if the wife is permanently ill or if she is very lazy. Likewise, a woman has also the right to divorce. She may seek divorce if her husband cannot supply her with the necessities of life or if the husband wants to have a second wife against her consent. There are several traditional forms of marriage which will be discussed later in chapter three[63].

The Santal marriage rites and customs reveal two fundamental attitudes: the new social involvement of the couple and the consciousness of the Santals’ relation to and dependence on their spirits. Thus marriage is both a union of two persons and a union of two villages and two families.

4. Moron (Death)

The Santals believe that when a person dies, his social personality is not annihilated but rather transformed. Some of the expressions used to denote the death of a person indicate that the soul, after leaving the body, becomes a bonga (spirit) joining the abode of its deceased ancestors. Thus they have the expression: nitok’ doe hapramena, meaning ‘he has become ancestor’. The belief in the soul of a person becoming bonga and joining the abode of his ancestors is explicitly evident in all the rituals and ceremonies connected with death. The Santals’ notion of death may be summed up by the following passage of W. G. Archer:

Death is a victory for all those anti-Santal forces which are represented by hostile bongas. It is as if the dead Santal has betrayed his trust, has failed in his main duty-to go on living. To die is therefore to pollute and for the moment the whole village is bereft of its tribal guardians and deprived of ghostly care. At the same time death subjects a man to violent unnatural change. He remains a Santal. He is still a member of his family but until he has safely reached the country of the dead, he is a man with a grievance. He can no longer do the things which Santals value most for he is abruptly deprived of sex and the company of his children. He is ‘out of position’. He no longer ‘belongs’ and only the most careful conduct by his family can ensure his due demission. He is now much more a bonga than a man - a ghostly force invisible but intimately real. The danger which killed him still infects his person and until the funerary process is over, he must remain a source of menace to all the members of the family. When he has achieved the final status of ancestor, he has still a bonga nature and can on no account be ignored. He is not as obvious as living Santals but he is something to be reckoned with, a power with whom it is even more necessary to be on good terms that when he worked and went about the village[64].

As we have seen above, the critical junctures in the life-cycle of an individual Santal are replete with danger. Not only the individual is in danger but he passes this danger on to his family, village and the whole Santal tribe at large. Besides the individual, his family, village and village bongas are defiled. It is obvious that the most important passages in the life-cycle of an individual not only concern the relation of mutual harmony and dependence between the individual, his family and society but they also communicate the intimate religious beliefs and practices among the Santals. Thus the rites and ceremonies at the critical junctures in the life-cycle predominantly uphold the tribal integrity and solidarity of the Santals.

II. The Structure of the Society

An essential pre-requisite for a scientific study of any community is a sound knowledge about its social system, embracing the whole network of social relations in which the members of a particular community are involved. The social system of a community defines the forms in which people are grouped for a common goal as well as the socially recognised bonds reflected in the behaviour pattern of individuals to one another and to the social groups. It also reflects the thought pattern, ideals and expectations of a society. The existing unity and uniformity of a society which always tend to persist are the result of interaction among the members.

A. Social Organization

Santal society is patriarchal. The distinctive character of the Santals is that they have a tribal endogamy and clan exogamy social system. We have already noted that the Santal tribe is divided into twelve clans or paris and each clan is subdivided into several khut (sub-clan). The Santals’ tradition is unanimous in talking of twelve clans although the number of sub-clan differs. It is important and noteworthy that the clan system of the Santals regulates their behaviour within the tribe and dealings with the spirits they believe in[65]. The Santals accept the rule of the clan system and the myths which form its background are a key to the understanding of almost everything that is distinctive in their way of life. Violation of tribal endogamy and clan exogamy are the greatest crimes in the Santal society and those who break these rules are ‘outcasted’ from the society.

The fundamental and primary feature of social organization is represented in every Santal village. The presence of different clans in a village demonstrates obviously the democratic character of Santal society. The Santals, as a rule, stay in independent villages. The families in the village constitute an independent entity for all social, juridical and ritual matters, and the greatest binding factors of this social organization are a common body of traditional customs and practices, common language and folklore, traditions, myths, various institutions, and finally, the conformation to the same pattern of social relationships. When Santals settle in a village, the first thing they do is to establish a jaherthan (a sacred grove)[66] and a manjhithan[67] for their traditional tribal and village bongas (deities) and to select a number of traditional ‘village officials-in-charge’ of various duties[68], especially a headman and a village priest. No two village communities share the same sacred grove though the jaher spirits are the same everywhere. Almost all important events in the life-cycle of an individual are essentially community affairs; community awareness and community feeling also provide a great incentive and validity to most activities of the society. In fact, it is difficult for a Santal to conceive life without community relationship. This inseparable bond with the village community is the most important reason why the Santals have been able to preserve and maintain their cultural traditions and identity[69].

B. Political Organization

The pattern of the political organization and administration of the Santals is by nature democratic, that is, on a republican basis. The offices of the political organizations were generally hereditary and passed patrilineally. Nowadays, the offices are not only hereditary but also are conferred by selection, according to the efficiency of the person concerned. Sometimes, individuals may themselves relinquish their office for personal reasons. The terms of office are indefinite but foresee the possibility of a necessary adjustment or alteration. All officials of the political organization are responsible to the community for their functions. They cannot exercise any force in any form except through the members of the existing organs.

1. Manjhi (Village-Headman) Council

Every Santal village is a well-defined political and administrative unit governed by a council of village leaders called Manjhi or village council which not only regulates life within the village but also orders the villagers’ relation to the outside world. A Santali term, more hor (literally, “five persons”) is used to refer to this village council as a representative body of the community. The Santal villages enjoy a large measure of internal autonomy in which they are largely governed by their own traditional laws. They have their own methods of dealing with various kinds of issues[70].

Although the authority of the traditional Manjhi or headman is tacitly recognized by the Government, many changes have taken place in the administration of the village council. Whenever dealing with crimes and other important issues, especially those connected with land property and with the relationship to the non-Santal communities, it cannot go against the prevailing civil law. In fact, the authority of the traditional headman is deteriorating because of the application of the “Hindu law” on the Adibasi, the so called tribal peoples of Bangladesh.

The Manjhi council is a full-fledged village council consisting of seven officials: Manjhi (a headman), Paranik (a deputy headman), Jog Manjhi (an overseer of village morals), his assistant Jog Paranik, Godet (a messenger), Naeke (a village priest) and his assistant Kudam Naeke [71]. These officials have to perform their functions in accordance with the tribal system and that is why they are expected to be well acquainted with the Santal traditions, customs, religious beliefs and practices[72].

2. Pargana (Parganait) Council

The Pargana or Parganait council is a formal inter-village council, and usually 10 to 20 villages fall within the jurisdiction of a parganait. This inter-village council consists of the manjhis (headmen) of all the villages under the jurisdiction of a parganait. The Pargana is the head of the council and is nominated or selected by the manjhis of the parganait; he presides over the council meeting. The authority of the council covers the cases which have not been resolved by the Manjhi councils or which are too significant to be left to the village council. The council also settles cases which arise out of disputes among the members of two or more villages or disputes among the headmen. The authority and power of the Pargana council can be compared with that of the “High Court” in the Civil Law system[73].

As mentioned earlier, the Manjhi and the Pargana were given police powers by the 1856 Police Rules in Santal Parganas. Thus a non-regulatory system was introduced, the main feature of which was a direct communication between the people and their British rulers. Since the Independence of India in 1947, various changes have taken place in the administrative system. The offices of the Manjhi and the Pargana still remain but their powers have been replaced by Police administration[74].

In many localities of Bangladesh, the Pargana system has disappeared. The principal reason for this is the rapid socio-economic and political changes as well as non-recognition of the system by the Government. The breakdown of this important political entity is not without consequence. It has brought along many social problems which are threatening the social integrity and identity of the Santals. Being aware of this fact, many leaders are doing their utmost to revive and to reorganize the Pargana system through an organization called Adibasi Unnayan Sangstha (Adibasi or Tribal Development Association).

3. Desh Manjhi (Regional-Headman) Council

The third juridical organ of the political organization is known as Desh Manjhi Council. The Santals consider a certain zone or area as Desh (literally, country) and it is placed under the jurisdiction of a Desh Manjhi Council. The one who is chosen as leader of the area is called Desh Manjhi (headman of the area) and usually presides over the Desh Manjhi Council meeting. This council consists of the manjhis (head of the Manjhi Councils) and parganas (head of the Pargana Councils) under the jurisdiction of the Desh Manjhi. This juridical organ or entity is superior to both the Manjhi Council and Pargana Council. It adjudicates the cases which remain unsolved by the two inferior juridical entities and the disputes among the parganas[75].

4. Lo Bir Baisi (Hunt or Forest Council)

The Hunt or Forest Council is a traditional informal court which Santals regard as their Supreme Court. This council meets once a year at the time of the annual hunt in which the entire population of the region or area, covering a number of parganas participate. This informal court, consisting of the elders, takes decisions on outstanding cases. It also hears appeals made against the ruling of the manjhi councils or pargana councils. Usually, the Hunt council imposes its decision immediately. There is a provision that, in some extreme cases when community bond may be broken, this supreme court can resort to physical punishment. The dihri, a special priest selected for sacrificing to the forest bongas, presides over the Hunt council. A special characteristic of this council is that it judges cases on the principle of equality[76].

It is noteworthy that the decisions taken by the above mentioned juridical entities are always taken collectively and not by any individual council member, not even the Manjhi or headman. For a good reason, there is always, of course, the possibility of challenging the decisions. In resolving cases, everyone present in the council is free to express his opinion, and the right to self-defence is always respected.

C. Economic Organization

The Santals are believed to be the best cultivators of land. In former times, they resorted to shifting cultivation but gradually became settled agriculturists. They cling to their land as their principal means of subsistence. The economy of the Santals is primarily based on plough cultivation. About 95% of the Santals are involved in agricultural operations. Collecting, hunting and fishing were once very important sources of living but now they have been reduced to a subsidiary status. Animal husbandry is common but plays a comparatively minor role in maintaining the food supply. In fact, the Santals depend mainly on paddy cultivation as their chief source of livelihood.

At earlier stages, the majority of the Santals were land-owners, but an increase in the population, the exploitation of money-lenders and landlords, harassment (illegal means of occupying their land), illiteracy, etc., have made a large number of the Santals land-less, forcing them to earn their livelihood as day labourers. At present, nearly 80% of the Santals are land-less.

The Santals generally cultivate rice, maize, certain winter legumes, beans, different varieties of millet, pulses and vegetables. In agricultural operations, oxen and buffaloes are employed. Most Santals use cow dung and ashes for fertilizer. They mainly depend on natural rainfall for their agricultural products. The Santals are known as industrious and hard working people. Even though there is a division of work on the basis of sex, both men and women take part in agricultural operations.

Collecting, hunting and fishing play a very important role in the Santal economy. The collection of wild plants, fruits, roots, young shoots, tubers, flowers, mushrooms, etc., not only subsidise food supply, but also ensure against the recurrent scarcities during summer and help in warding off famine that may result from crop failures caused by natural calamities. The collection is mostly done by women in groups; participation of men is also not unknown. Bows and arrows, swords and clubs, nets and traps are used for killing and catching animals and birds. They enjoy fishing in streams, artificial ponds and water reservoirs using rod and line, poison, fishing nets, various types of traps and hands. Most Santals work as day labourers. This has become their principal occupation and means of subsistence. Some households earn their living by ploughing the land for others, some work as unskilled labourers in tea-gardens and factories and very few are engaged in various modern jobs[77].

D. Marriage and Family

Marriage and family are not the same though they are customarily taken to be. They differ from each other in that the family, in the simplest terms, is “a group of persons united by the ties of marriage, blood, or adoption, constituting a single household, interacting with each other in their respective social positions of husband and wife, mother and father, son and daughter, brother and sister, who share and maintain a common culture”[78]. This family group is often confused with the household, but all persons sharing a common residence may be included in a household (e.g., boarders, roomers, etc.,). It is also sometimes confused with a kindred because of the blood relationships, but a kindred may be divided into several households. Frequently the family is also confused with the marriage pair, but the essence of the family group is the parent-child relationship, which may be absent from many marriage pairs. Sometimes in its institutional aspects, the family is also confused with the institution of marriage, the complex of customs regulating the sexual relations between the cohabiting pair of adults within the family group. On the other hand, marriage is a permanent relationship which is not only between a man and a woman resulting in procreation, but also between parents and children. Like in any other traditional society, the Santals’ view of marriage and the family life is still substantially primitive. They preserve and foster a traditional inherited concept of marriage and family life.

1. Marriage

According to the Santals’ traditional knowledge, marriage is a union between a man and a woman which is recognized socially, culturally and religiously letting the couple to live in a family. In its institutional aspect, it is the complex of customary laws regulating the relation between the sexes and defining the procedures for establishing and terminating the husband-wife relation, the reciprocal obligations and the accepted restrictions upon its personnel. The institution of matrimony also defines the conditions which are necessary for the existence and validity of a marriage. In a more concrete way, we may describe a Santal marriage as legal transfer of dependency, that of the bride, from the father’s family to the groom’s family. By this transfer, the groom’s family does not only assume guardianship, but also assumes control over all her affairs. In other words, through marriage the bride looses her paternal legal identity and acquires the identity of the groom’s family.

As to the origin of the institution of marriage, the Santals firmly hold the belief that marriage is established by the Creator Himself. According to their traditional belief, it is Thakur Jiu who created the first human pair and with them instituted the bond of marriage. Regarding the nature of marriage, monogamy, permanency and sacredness can be identified as main features of a Santal customary marriage. Sex is not the sole aim of marriage for the Santals. Besides serving sexual needs, a Santal marriage has also other purposes, such as companionship, procreation of heirs, to make family, economic security, cooperation in the family enterprise, social and psychological security, etc.. That is why marriage is not only a union of two persons, but as much a union of two villages and two families. In other words, there are two basic attitudes in Santal marriage: the new social involvement of the couple and the consciousness of their religious beliefs and practices. Above all, it must be kept in mind that the Santals have a very strong sense of tribal identity and solidarity. In order to preserve this sense of identity and integrity, they have evolved laws of tribal endogamy and clan exogamy within the juridical matrimonial institute. For the Santals, marriage is the only means for the formation of family.

2. Family

It is needless to say that most traditions, laws, beliefs and practices are traceable to the family because it is the basic and primary unit of a society. Man’s social, religious, economic, political and cultural interactions which are essential for human beings take place in the family. Generally there are three types of family: nuclear family[79], joint family[80] and extended family[81].

Although the Santals are slowly moving towards the nuclear family system, the majority is still holding the traditional joint family system. Being a patriarchal society, the families are naturally patrilocal: the bride goes to reside with her husband either in her husband’s father’s family or in the neolocal family[82], except in some cases in which the son-in-law goes to reside in his father-in-law’s house[83]. The father is normally the head of a family and all authority rests upon him; he is the owner and administrator of family property. All family members have the duty to obey and respect him. In the father’s absence, the eldest son takes his position. That is why in a Santal family, an eldest son is looked upon as the representative of the father and his wife is regarded like a mother.

As regards the descent and property inheritance, the children acquire the clan status of the father and only the male children have the right to family property. Due to the patriarchal family system, importance is given to the father, paternal grand father and paternal uncle rather than to the mother, maternal grand father and maternal uncle. Stereotyping male and female rules within the family is still prevalent. It is the duty of a husband to provide his family members food materials, shelter, clothing, health care, etc.. On the other hand, a wife is responsible for the household activities. She also assists her husband in agricultural and fishing operations. The grown-up sons help their father, while the daughters help their mother in her household work. Although women are barred from certain religious and administrative functions, they have an important economic status in the family. It is evident from their place and role in the family that they enjoy certain amount of authority and independence within the family[84].

III. Religious Beliefs and Practices

The Santals see the world as being inhabited by invisible supernatural beings and powers. They are of various kinds. The Santals believe that they are living, moving and having their being in this world of supernatural entities. In other words, “the Santals live not only in their tribal society but in a greater society consisting of supernatural beings as well”[85]. In the course of their history, the Santals have gradually evolved a system of beliefs and practices so as to cope with the unknown supernatural beings and powers. As regards the notion of supernatural beings V. K. Kochar has the following opinion:

The Santals have very vague notions about the individualities of supernatural beings or bongas. One of the main reasons for this is that their relationship with these supernatural beings, except the supreme being Thakur, are shrouded with a feeling of taboo, mystery, secrecy and fear[86].

According to the Santal traditions, the Santals had been worshipping only the Thakur-Jiu. They then started worshipping the Maran Buru and later, at Campa, they adopted the Moreko-Turuik, the Jaher Era and the Gosae Era and enshrined them in the Jaherthan. Among the Santals, the term bonga is used for various categories of supernatural beings: the creator, ghosts, individual tutelary spirits, spirits of deceased relatives, witches, etc., and even Hindu deities. In fact, any kind of non-corporeal being may be referred to as bonga. The experience of the Santals is that there are many aspects over which one has little or no control and the outcome of which cannot be predicted. That is why the Santals believe that the bongas have power over these contingencies of nature, and therefore, have recourse to them through magical or religious practices. Belief in supernatural beings and powers and the ways of entering into relations with them constitute Santals’ religion. It hardly needs to be mentioned that the Santals’ relation towards bongas is one of reverential fear, dependence, submission and propitiation. The belief of the Santals in the power of the spirits is so strong that it has pervaded all aspects of their life[87].

A. Belief in Supernatural Spirits and Powers

The creation legend of the Santals traces the origin of the tribe to a goose that laid two eggs from which sprang the first parents of their race. Skrefsrud thus traces in the background of the Santals’ religion a supreme deity called Thakur-Jiu; some identify him with Cando Baba (sun god), which is inaccurate. What the Santals have in mind when using the word Cando (sun) is the manifestation of divine activity, a sign of the divine in relation to man and of significance to him[88]. To the Santals, Thakur-Jiu is the creator and sustainer of the universe and a benevolent spirit; they worship him every 5th or 10th year with a sacrifice of goats. Apart from Thakur-Jiu, there are some principal bongas (spirits) in Santals’ “pantheon” who are regarded as the spirits of the village community. They are the following:

1. Maran Buru (Great Mountain)

Maran Buru literally, the great mountain, is believed to be the leader of the bongas with far-reaching powers by which he associates with both good and evil spirits. This is one of the few bongas of the Santals who has a mythical background. Whenever the Santals drink rice-beer or take a meal, they first sprinkle a few drops of handi (rice-beer) or offer some rice as an offering to their ancestors and to Maran Buru which expresses the close affinity between Maran Buru and Santals’ ancestors. At the same time, this act is associated with the Santals’ myth of origin and reminds us that while the first human pair was wandering in Hihiri Pipiri, Maran Buru appeared to them in the disguise of Lita Haram and introduced himself as their grandfather. It is believed that he instructed the first couple, Pilcu Haram and Pilcu Budhi, in sex and taught them how to brew rice-beer exhorting them to offer rice-beer whenever they invoke his name. Thus as a grandfather Maran Buru is regarded as a ‘good old fellow’ and is presumed to be a benevolent bonga.

The village naeke or priest worships Maran buru on behalf of the village. Offerings are also made at the family worship in the bhitar khond (family worshipping place). He is the only bonga who receives libations from every individual. In fact, Maran Buru is regarded both as a village community and family bonga[89].

2. Moreko-Turuiko (Five-Six)

The Moreko-Turuiko, though a group of spirits, is treated as a composite single spirit. The Santals believe that this spirit presides over the welfare of the village. He has control over rain, crops and epidemics. This spirit is offered sacrifice at all the jaher worships. The whole village community offers collective sacrifices to the Moreko-Turuiko, especially at the time of an epidemic and cattle disease. Sometimes, some families perform sacrifices and libations in honour of this spirit in their bhitar khond (family worshiping place) at the time of sowing and flower festivals. Individual sacrifices to the Moreko-Turuiko are also known. It is generally offered by those families who make a promise or an oath at the time of illness. The most remarkable point is that the Moreko-Turuiko is the only jaher spirit which is revealed in the divination of the ojha (“medicine-man”) and held as the cause of personal or general crisis. Most probably this spirit is a kind of bahre-bonga of some ancient habitat of the Santals[90].

3. Jaher Era (goddess of the Sacred Grove)

The Jaher Era is said to be the sister of the Moreko-Turuiko, and the goddess of the sacred grove which is preserved inviolate in every village as the abode of the village bongas. According to the Santals’ belief, she presides over the sacred grove, tends the other bongas in the jaherthan and looks after the interests of the villagers. The Santals regard her as a good-natured spirit who never does any harm but is mainly concerned with their bodily needs. She is usually worshiped at all festivals for the general welfare of the village, especially for obtaining good crops and for the health of the villagers and their cattle[91].

4. Gosae Era (Benevolent spirit of the Sacred Grove)

Very little is known about this Gosae Era. Some informants conveyed the impression that she may be the sister of the Jaher Era. She is represented by a matkom tree (bassia latifolia) in the sacred grove. As reported by Kolean Haram, at the time of Baha or Flower festival, one of the two booths erected in the sacred grove is meant for the Gosae Era. This bonga is also regarded as a benevolent spirit and is worshiped at all the jaher worships by offering a fowl as sacrifice by the village priest. Usually, the Santals worship her to be spared from sores[92].

The Jaher bongas described above are common bongas for the whole Santal tribe even though the worship at jaherthan is meant for a particular village only. It is believed that Maran Buru, Moreko Turuiko and Jaher Era are very closely associated with one another; this is explicitly expressed by the three sarjom trees (shorea robusta) in the sacred grove. The close affinity of these three spirits is more clearly manifested in the Baha (flower) festival during which two sheds or booths are erected in the sacred grove: one booth is meant for Maran Buru, Moreko Turuiko and Jaher Era and the other for Gosae Era.

5. Pargana Bonga (spirit of the Pargana)

The Pargana bonga has great significance for the Santals as this spirit, according to common belief, is the chief of the bongas and the master of all witches, a function which causes him to be highly respected. It is believed that the Pargana bonga has a special power over the witches and the witches worship him to get training and proficiency in the art of witchcraft. They have to invoke him and ask permission and his well wishings for their missions. The Pargana bonga is represented in the sacred grove by one of the sarjom trees and whenever there is a general disease in the village, this spirit is propitiated by the ojah (the minister of the ‘white magic’ and a medicine man) who implores the spirit to rid the village of all malady and misfortune[93].

6. Manjhi Bonga (spirit of the Village Headman)

The Manjhi bonga, who is supposed to be particularly active in restraining other spirits doing harm to men, is the second in command to Pargana bonga. He is believed to be the original founder of the village and stands for the spirits of all village headmen, starting from the founder to the present active headman. The Manjhi bonga resides in the manjhithan which is represented by a stone at the foot of the central wooden post. Sacrifices are performed at manjhithan by the Manjhi only on the occasion of principal festivals. It is believed that this spirit acts as the adviser of the village headman and the spirits of the earlier headmen are a kind of tutelary spirits for the present headman who derives validation of his office from the ritual communication with his deceased predecessors. The Manjhi bonga is regarded as a benevolent spirit and is specially connected with the general village welfare. Above all, he is responsible for the welfare of the headman and his family[94].

7. Sima Bongas (Village Boundary spirits)

The Sima bongas are the village boundary spirits who are propitiated by the kudam naeke (assistant priest) at definite occasions. However, if they are revealed in the oil divinations of the ojha as a source of trouble for a family or the whole village, the respective groups offer sacrifices to the sima bongas through the ojha. These spirits are considered to be very furious and are propitiated twice a year with sacrifices of fowls offered at the village boundary. They are so furious that they are even propitiated with human blood. The ritual of performing sacrifice, which is accompanied by proper incantations, is to place sun-dried rice on a sarjom leaf soaked with blood in front of the particular tree dedicated to the sima bongas.

8. Bahre Bongas (spirits of the Surroundings)

The Bahre bongas are the spirits of the outskirts living in the area surrounding the village. The traditional Santal belief conveys that the abodes of the bahre bongas are pools, ditches, streams, ponds, deserted places (house, land, grove, tree, etc.,), tree stumps, old funeral sites, holes in the ground, hillocks, pits, mounds, etc.. These spirits are also considered to be furious and the villagers try to avoid the abodes of the bahre bongas. A collective sacrifice is offered by the naeke at the time of the jaher worship in the mode of the worships of the jaher bongas[95].

All the above mentioned bongas are worshipped in public and they are regarded and believed to be the national tribal and village spirits. Besides these bongas, each family has two bongas of its own: Orak’ bonga (household god) and Abge bonga (secret god). Sacrifices are offered once a year to these bongas in which the whole family partakes of the offerings but only the menfolk may touch the food which has been laid before the Abge bonga. H. H. Risley has recorded that no Santal will divulge the name of his secret god to any one but to his eldest son. It is as follows:

Men are particularly careful to keep this sacred knowledge from their wives for fear lest they should acquire undue influence with bongas, become witches and eat up the family with impunity when the protection of its gods has been withdrawn[96].

One may leave aside some of the bongas (e.g., Hindu deities, jom sim bonga, saket bonga, curin, bhut, rakoos, etc., but the discussion on religious beliefs and practices will be incomplete without mentioning ancestral spirits. As the prescribed form of religious practice, each Santal household worships the spirits of the ancestors called Hapramkoren bonga. This is a strong factor in Santal society for household solidarity. The reason behind ancestor worship is the belief in the survival of the soul after death. The Santals believe that the ‘soul’ after leaving the body becomes bonga. The phrase nitok’ doe hapramena meaning “now he has become ancestor” explicitly expresses the Santals’ belief in ancestral spirits. However, one becomes hapram bonga only after the funerary rites; especially through the Bhandan ceremony does one finally join his ancestors. Ancestors are believed to ‘live’ with the living and to take active interests in the household affairs. One may say that it is the duty of the ancestral spirits to see to the welfare of their living relatives. Their blessings are invoked in every social ceremony while they are venerated and worshipped. According to Archer:

… whether it is a time of drinking rice-beer, eating a meal, celebrating a festival, a birth or a wedding or placating the bongas the recent dead must be given their small offering[97].

The traditional religious beliefs and practices of the Santals are evidently centred around the worship of supernatural spirits of various kinds. The idea that the Santals are mere worshippers of the malevolent spirits and the sole object of their worship is to avert disasters is inaccurate. Like in other religions, there are both the benevolent and the malevolent bongas in the religious belief system of the Santals.

B. Various Rites and Festivals

There cannot be any religion which has no external manifestation of its beliefs. The external form is the condition for the existence of any society or religion[98]. We have already noted that the religion of the Santals is based on the ways of entering into relation with supernatural spirits. The communion with these spirits is externally manifested through various rites and festivals. According to J. Troisi:

… ritual is by definition a highly traditional form of behaviour. Public rites are handed down already constructed and hedged with prescriptions. Various rites are celebrated by the Santals because their ancestors did so. They (rituals) are elements of an external social reality which exercise a constraint over the individual. Participation in the ritual provides the individual with a sense of social solidarity and personal security. While ritual fosters religious experience, it also channels religious experience into controlled and acceptable forms[99].

As the Santals believe in benevolent and malevolent spirits, they offer to these spirits sacrifices and libations to maintain their relationship, thus ensuring the protection and prosperity of the benevolent spirits and controlling the malign influence of the malevolent spirits. The rituals are nothing but an external manifestation of the whole way of Santal life. They (rituals) are observed through some festive performances consisting of some sort of worship or folk cults. From the rites and festivals of the Santals, it is quite clear that their economic life, social organization and ritual performances are interwoven mainly around agriculture. In other words, they are closely linked with the annual cycle of the Santals’ agriculture operations. Being agriculturists, agriculture keeps the Santals engaged for the greater part of the year. It is important to note that the agriculture to the Santals is something more than just a means of livelihood. One may say that the agriculture activity permeates the whole of Santal life. The Santals are conscious that there are a variety of dangers in agricultural operations. They are also well aware that a drought or any destructive blight on the crops means hunger for all, while a good harvest means prosperity. Thus the Santals are convinced that the aspects of material life must be protected and guarded by appropriate rites and festivals. There are a series of rites and festivals which mark the different stages of the agricultural year. Here are some of the principal annual rites and festivals:

Table: 2 Annual Principal, Important Rites and Festivals showing their relation with Agricultural Operations

Festival

Month

Agricultural Operation

Rites

Sohrae

Pous (Dec.-Jan.)

After the paddy has been harvested. It is also called harvest festival.

Pigs, goats, fowls and eggs are offered by the village naeke (priest) in the jaherthan (sacred grove).

Baha

Phagun(Feb.-March).

Offering of the ‘first’ fruits of matkom (bassia latifolia) and other wild fruits and flowers, mainly the sarjom (shorea robusta) flower.

The naeke and the kudam naeke offer sacrifices of fowls at sacred grove in honour of Maran Buru, Jaher Era and Moreko-Turuiko.

Erok’ Sim

Asar (June-July)

Sowing of rice seeds in the field.

The naeke sacrifices the fowls to the jaher bongas and the manjhi bonga, invoking each one of them to make the earth fertile.

Hariar Sim

San (July-Aug.)

Sprouting of rice seeds.

The naeke sacrifices fowls to the village bongas, namely Maran Buru, Jaher Era, Gosae Era, Moreko-Turuiko, Pargana bonga, Manjhi bonga and Sima bongas for a luxuriant growth of paddy.

Iri-Gundli Nawai

Bhador (Sept.-Oct.)

Offering of the first fruits of the millet iri (panicum millaceum) and gundli (panicum frumentaceum).

The kudam naeke along with the fruits of the millet, offers sacrifices of goat or ram to the pargana bonga to protect their crops from rats or other pestilence.

Janthar

Aghar (Nov.-Dec.)

Offering of the first fruits of the winter rice crop.

The kudam naeke offers sacrifice of goat or ram to the pargana bonga along with the first ears of paddy to protect from stomach disease, to multiply the paddy and also to protect their grains from every harm.

Magh Sim

Magh (Jan.-Feb.)

Cutting of the sauri (thatching grass).

Fowls are sacrificed by the naeke to the village bongas, invoking them to multiply their sauri crop.

Besides the annual rites and festivals, the Santals have other rites and festivals which are neither associated with agricultural operations nor performed annually. We may call them occasional rites and festivals. The most important of them are Jom Sim, Mak’ More and Karam. The Jom Sim is a clan celebration in which a sacrifice is offered in honour of the Sin’ bonga (sun-god) at least once in a life-time by every household. According to the tradition, Mak’ More is celebrated at the intervals of five years in which a white goat is sacrificed by the naeke on behalf of the village community to the Moreko-Turuiko in thanksgiving for having rid the village of sickness. The Karam is very rarely observed nowadays. It is not a communal celebration but an individual one; no sacrifice is offered in this festival but rice-beer libations are poured out to the Manjhi and the Maran Buru bongas. Tradition tells us that young unmarried people of the same sex enter into a life-long friendship alliance during this festival which has the effect of the rule of clan exogamy. The alliance between boys is called Karmu Dharmu and between girls Karamdar.

The last but not the least important thing to be noted is that the secular aspect of the Santal rites and festivals provide the Santals with entertainment and pleasure. The word raska meaning ‘pleasure’ is on the lips of the Santals and it is not only dear to their hearts but is part and parcel of their life. A Santal can be characterized by a carefree, uninhibited attitude and a joyous frame of mind. That is why dancing and singing have a very important role at every festive occasion.

The Santals are a highly ritualistic people and they rarely doubt the efficacy of their rituals. They believe that if the expected result is not achieved, it is either due to some hostile force or that the ritual prescriptions were not observed properly. Thus they are very careful about the time, place, person and prescribed form of a ritual. Above all, the religious worship of the Santals through various rites and festivals is so important that it brings a Santal not only to religious feeling but helps him to forget worries and the stresses of his day-to-day life. At the same time, the collective worship stimulates the community to feel to be in touch with their spirits upon whom they depend. In this way, they regain their confidence, hope and sense of security amidst the uncertainties of life. Finally, the feeling of community belonging is reinforced, thus strengthening social solidarity.

C. Christianity[100] among the Santals

The study of the Santals’ Traditions and Institutions would be incomplete without taking into account the influence of Christian missionaries. The history of the origin of the Catholic Church in Bangladesh goes back to the second half of the 16th century. There were Catholics in Hoshenpur of Mymensingh district and Sripur near Sonargaon, the old capital city of Eastern Bengal. In 1606, Mylapore (near present-day Madras in India) was erected as a diocese and the mission stations of Bengal were placed under its jurisdiction. At that time the Augustinians, the first missionaries in Bangladesh, established two mission stations at Nagori (1664) and Tejgaon (1677). In 1834, a Vicariate Apostolic of Bengal was created under the jurisdiction of the Propagation of Faith. In 1850, it was divided into two: Vicariate Apostolic of Eastern Bengal and Vicariate Apostolic of Western Bengal. The Vicariate Apostolic of Eastern Bengal with headquarters at Dhaka was entrusted to the newly-founded Congregation of the Holy Cross in 1852. On September 1, 1886 Dhaka was canonically erected as the Diocese of Dhaka[101].

The territory comprising the Dioceses of Dinajpur and Rajshahi in North Bengal, was first evangelized by the Spanish Carmelite Missionaries in the 17th century. This territory became part of the Mission of Krishnagar (now the Diocese of Krishnagar in West Bengal, India) since the middle of the 19th century. The members of the Congregation of Pontificio Istituto Missioni Estere, popularly known as PIME Missionaries first came to work in this territory in 1855 and have been working there ever since. The presence of Roman Catholics in North Bengal can be traced back to the end of 19th century. The first conversion among the Santals took place in 1909. As Fr. Pinos mentioned:

… during one of his travels by train, Railway Chaplain Fr. Rocca was approached by a Santal who was on his way to court for a long drawn case. He was Fagu Mistri Soren, the village chief of Dhanjuri. … So he said, ‘Saheb, I am from Dhanjuri. Why don’t you come to visit us ?’ Fr. Rocca accepted the invitation and one day in 1906 he arrived in Dhanjuri. Phudhon Mardi took the arrival of the father…. He was exultant in seeing the priest and gave him hospitality. Fr. Rocca, who was a very engaging personality, was invited to come again. He obliged, and on February 21, 1909 baptised Phudhon and his eldest son Pitor[102].

Fr. Francesco Rocca can be called the pioneer and apostle of the Santals in Bengal. At the very beginning of the 20th century, this very engaging person, Fr. Rocca had been residing at Pakuri, south of Ganges (Diocese of Krishnagar). January 29, 1902 is the memorable day on which for the first time, a visit was paid by Fr. Rocca to the village of Bagunbari in North Bengal (two miles south of the present Beneedwar Parish). Gabriel Topno (a native of Chotonagpur in India), a Munda tribal and a staunch Roman Catholic migrated to Begunbari. Fr. Rocca remained a few days with Gabriel and there he celebrated mass for him, baptised his children and looked around the area. This first visit was just the beginning for Fr. Rocca.

As mentioned above, Fr. Rocca again visited Dhanjuri in 1906 at the request of Fagu Mistri Soren and paid a second visit in February 1909 when he baptised Phudon Mardi and his eldest son Pitor. At the beginning of the 19th century, a Baptist Foreign Missionary took residence at a place called after him Sahebganj (southernmost corner of the Rangpur district) and began evangelizing the Santals of the area. But he departed for home for his sudden sickness. In 1911-1912, Fr. Rocca and newly arrived Fr. E. Ferrario started touring the villages of the Santals in the area of Sahebganj and baptised many Santals. Thus from 1910 onward, it was really a time of harvest for the PIME Missionaries. As a result, in 1927, the Diocese of Dinajpur was canonically erected comprising the entire North Bengal (Rajshahi Division) and was entrusted to the PIME Missionaries under the Rt. Rev. Santino Taveggia, the first PIME bishop of Dinajpur[103].

The Christian missionary activity began to flourish slowly among the Santals. In 1927, there were 12,503 Christians in Dinajpur Diocese with mission centres at Saidpur, Dhanjuri, and Beneedwar. The same year, the first book on Christian literature was printed in the Santali language; two new mission centres were established at Andharkota and Mariampur. Also a Catechetical formation centre and a Minor Seminary were constructed at Dinajpur. In 1928, Fr. G. Obert (third bishop of Dinajpur) published the first Santali Bulletin which stimulated many Santals to embrace Christianity. Fr. Lambert Mardi was the first Santal diocesan priest in the history of Bangladesh. During World War II, missionary activity was almost entirely interrupted because of the banishment of the Missionaries; though some converts reverted to their traditional religion, the majority remained faithful like sheep without shepherd. Again, the great famine in 1942-1943 increased the crisis among the Santals. The relief programme of the Missionaries saved many Santals during this famine, and this encouraged a large number of Santals to embrace Christianity[104].

The evangelizing activity among the Santals grew remarkably in North Bengal after the independence of Bangladesh in 1971. The present records of the two dioceses, Dinajpur and Rajshahi, in North Bengal show that 27,769 Santals (which forms 42.18% of the total 65,824 Catholics) have already embraced Christianity and there is a clear possibility of mass conversion among the Santals. The Catholic Church in Bangladesh is aware of the possibility and is engaged directly and indirectly in proclaiming the gospel among the Santals. There are a good number of reasons which can help to explain the conversion of the Santals to Christianity. The most influential among these are educational and philanthropic activities, medical care, a feeling of security in the midst of oppression and massive injustice, social and economic welfare, political security, fraternal love and care, good will, respect, etc..

Unfortunately, the history of the Santals can be described as a history of exploitation and oppression. Throughout their life, the Santals have experienced continuous harassment, oppression and exploitation by the landlords and money-lenders. Thus one of the fundamental reasons behind the conversion of the Santals is the desire to gain freedom from oppression and harassment. L. Knockaert is right in his statement: “Show the Santal an interest in his land and you have found a way to his heart”. In fact, many Santals have embraced Christianity as a defence against the extortion of the landlords and money-lenders. Despite the unceasing work of the Church, one may ask why Christianity has not made greater headway ? The best answer to this question is already given by J. Troisi:

The most deep-rooted objection is the fact that the Christian method of evangelization often tended to draw the Santals out of their own milieu, consequently posing a serious problem of tribal solidarity and making the converts feel insecure[105].

Conclusion

Although the Santals are known as tribal people, there is no anthropological concept as such. Owing to the migratory habits, the origin of the Santals is peculiarly difficult to determine. Most probably they are Proto-Australoids. Whatever may be the Santals’ racial identity, a common opinion is that they possess very primitive components.

The Santals have no recorded history. They depend on their oral traditions which describe the creation of the world and of the first human pair and the wandering of their ancestors. Around the first half of the 19th century, Damin-i-Koh (the area of Rajmahal Hills in Chotonagpur) became the centre of Santal life. The Santal Hul (insurrection) of 1855-1856 is the most important event in the history of the Santals because it convinced the British Government of the necessity to create a separate ‘non-regular’ district for the Santals. By the Act of XXXVII of 22 December 1855, the territory in and around Damin-i-Koh was created into a separate ‘non-regular’ district by the British Government. It is known as the Santal Parganas which the Santals consider their homeland. By the Police Rules of 1856, the Santals’ traditional administrative system was recognized. Furthermore, the Santals benefited by the Land Tenancy Act of 1885. By virtue of this Act, no land of the Santals can be bought by non-Santals and vice versa.

The Santals are the most influential aboriginal tribe in Bangladesh, numbering approximately 225,000. Most of them are migrated from Chotonagpur and Santal Parganas. Throughout our study we have seen that the Santals are highly ritualistic people. They are still strongly resisting the change of their traditional values and cultural self-image. Like the human organism which grows by absorbing life from its environment, they are able to preserve and retain their homogenous identity even while undergoing profound changes. One of the reasons why the Santals have been able to maintain their traditional values and norms, despite vigorous contact since the beginning of their history, is their strong and almost inseparable bond with the community. A common body of traditional customs and practices, common religious beliefs and practices, common language and folklore, traditions and institutions including myths and conformation to the same pattern of social relationships can be identified as the greatest and dominant binding factors of the Santals.

In the so called modern world, it is crystal clear that the tribal people all over the world are globally marginalised by the superior groups. While the world is busy with scientific and technological upheavals, these marginalised people are struggling for their existence. In addition, they are going through an identity crisis. The Santals are no exception. This significant social, political, economic and cultural transformation challenges the ritual-based cultural matrix of Santal society and its tradition-dominated socio-political structure. There is clearly a confrontation between the ritual-based sense of traditional culture and the forces of change and modernisation represented by the political changes and the socio-economic factors allied to these changes. The political process has come to assume almost the status of a total cultural climate which determines many aspects of modern living. Unfortunately, the Santals are still very slow and halting in the process of adaptation. They are badly caught between the mythological past of glorious traditions and the present with its degradation and desperate poverty caused by the exploitation and oppression by their neighbours.

At present, these backward, underprivileged and desperately poor people are still struggling for their existence and toiling for a piece of bread to eat. Nevertheless, their rich traditional and cultural heritage can never be overestimated. Their very deep sense of spirituality, whole and entire, surges up from the depth at certain moments of human living - birth, initiation, marriage, pain and death. Completed and purified, by the light of the gospel and Church’s discipline, their sense of equality, solidarity, and the community life, the concept of life and death, of sacredness of human life, of rite of purification, of respect, of veneration for the ancestors, belief in the afterlife, etc., can enrich Christian spirituality.



[1] Cf. S. MAHAPATRA, Modernization and Ritual. Identity and Change in Santal Society, Delhi-Bombay-Madras, 1986, p. vii (hereafter cited as Modernization and Ritual …).

[2] Redfield and Singer used the concepts “great tradition” and “little tradition” in analyzing the part played by cities in the development of culture. Martin Orans adopted the concepts and designated the twentieth century growth-pangs in Santal Society as a search for the “great tradition”. According to the concept, “great tradition” incorporates qualities of a systematic and well-integrated world-view, a selfconscious substructure of ethical mores and a degree of expressiveness regarding its individual excellence vis-à-vis the neighbouring communities (Cf. Ibid., p. 4).

[3] Among the popular names used to designate these ethnic groups we find: Vanyajati (castes of forest), Vanvasi (inhabitants of forest), Paharia (hill-dwellers), Adimjati (original race) and Janjati (folk people).

[4] P. D’ COSTA, “The Indigenous People Thirst for Solidarity”, in AA. VV., The Indigenous People Thirst for Solidarity, Dhaka 1995, p. 30 (hereafter cited as The Indigenous People …).

[5] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion. Religious Beliefs and Practices among the Santals, New Delhi 1979, p. 23 (hereafter cited as Tribal Religion …).

[6] The Report of the Advisory Committee on the Revision of the Lists of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India, Department of Social Security, 1967, p. 1 {It is notable that the Constitution has not expressly prescribed any specific principles for drawing up lists of Scheduled Tribes. However, there are indirect indications that extreme social, educational and economic backwardness would qualify a tribe to be considered Scheduled Tribe. In revising the list, the Advisory Committee remarked, “we have looked for the indications of primitive traits, distinctive cultures, geographical isolation, shyness of contact with the community at large, and backwardness; we have considered that tribes whose members have by and large mixed up with the general population are not eligible to be in the list of Scheduled Tribes” (Cf. Ibid., p. 24, footnote n. 2)}.

[7] Cf. C. K. HEMBROM, The History of the Santal Parganas, Santals and Paharias, Bihar 1973, p. iii (hereafter cited as The History of the Santal …).

[8] 62,262 Santals in Assam are not enumerated in the list of Scheduled Tribes according to the Centenary Monograph No. 10, Language Handbook of Mother Tongue, Census of India, 1971, p. 220 (The reason for this omission is that the tea plantation tribal labourers were not treated as Scheduled Tribes).

[9] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , pp. 24 - 25; E. DUYKER, Tribal Guerrillas. The Santals of West Bengal and the Naxalite Movement, Delhi 1987, pp. 2-4.

[10] H. H. Risley, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Calcutta, 1891, ii, p. 224 f.

[11] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion …, p. 26.

[12] E. DRAGOY, “An Orientation about the Santal Language”, in M. ALI, Dinajpurer Adibasi ( in Bengali Language ), Dinajpur 1980, p. Appendix, A.

[13] Thakur-Jiu (literally, spirit of god) is a usual Hindu word for the Supreme god. The Santals believe that the Thakur-Jiu is the creator, sustainer and destroyer of everything.

[14] The mythological story of the Santals enumerates the first human pair as Pilcu Haram and Pilcu Budhi. The Santals regard them as their first parents {Cf. L. O. SKREFSRUD, Horkoren Mare Hapramko reak’ Katha (The Traditions and Institutions of the Santals), Bihar 1968, p. 5 (hereafter cited as Horkoren Mare Hapramko …)}.

[15] Cf. Ibid., pp. 1-5 {The English translation is taken from P. O. BODDING, “Notes on the Santals”, in J. TROISI, The Santals. Readings in Tribal Life (A Work in Ten Volumes), Volume X: General, New Delhi 1979, pp. 47-48 (hereafter cited as The Santals …}.

[16] L. O. SKREFSRUD, Horkoren Mare Hapramko … , p. 9: Original text in Santali language is given below:

Hihiri Pipirirebon janamlen,

Khoj Kamanrebon khojlen,

Haratarebon haralen,

Sasan Bedarebon jatena ho.

[17] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 32. For further study of the different theories one may consult: A. CAMPBELL, Traditional Migration of the Santal Tribe, The Indian Antiquary, 23 (1894), 103-104; K. P. CHATTOPADHYAY, “Santal Migration”, in Proceedings of the 31st Indian Science Congress, Delhi, Part 3, Abstracts 1944, p. 101; L. A. WADDEL, The Traditional Migration of the Santal Tribe, The Indian Antiquary, 22 (1893), 294-296.

[18] W. W. HUNTER, “The Santals”, in J. TROISI, The Santals …, vol. 10, p. 166.

[19] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 27; P. O. Bodding, “Notes on the Santals”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 10, p. 53; K. L. BHOWMIK, “Santal”, in AA. VV., Tribal India, Calcutta 1971, p. 163.

[20] Cf. S. C. ROY, The Mundas and their Country, Calcutta 1912, p. IV: In this book the author has quoted Sir Edward Gait’s opinion where two families of languages are mentioned: Austro-Asiatic and Austronesian. According to P. W. Schmidt, the language of Mundas with their kindered dialects spoken by Santals, Hos and other allied tribes inhabiting the Chotonagpur plateau form the sub-family of Austro-Asiatic language group which includes Monkhmer, Wa, Nicoborese, Khasi and the aboriginal languages of Mallaca.

[21] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 27; K. L. BHOWMIK, “Santal”, in AA. VV., Tribal India, Calcutta 1971, p. 163 (For further information one may consult: B. S. GUHA, An Outline of the Racial Ethnology of India, Calcutta 1937).

[22] According to Peter W. Schmidt, the two families of languages: Austro-Asiatic and Austronesian are grouped into one great family which he calls the Austric (Cf. S. C. ROY, The Mundas and their Country, p. IV).

[23] Their morality went down in such an extreme that they became like kada bitkil (literally buffaloes and buffalo cows), a symbolic expression to indicate their sexual behaviour.

[24] To reach Campa land they had also been stationed at various other places, such as Japri, Aere, Kaende Cae, etc. (Cf. L. O. SKREFSRUD, Horkoren Mare Hapramko … , pp. 5-10).

[25] Cf. Ibid., pp. 5-10; J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , pp. 28-29; P. O. Bodding, “Notes on the Santals”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 10, pp. 46-47.

[26] Cf. G. A. GRIERSON, “Santali”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 7, pp. 30-31 {The author has quoted from W. W. HUNTER (ed.), The Annals of Rural Bengal, London 1868, p. Appendix G}.

[27] Cf. W. S. SHERWILL, Notes upon A Tour Through the Rajmahal Hills, Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 20 (1851), 544-606.

[28] Cf. K. K. DATTA, The Santal Insurrection of 1855-1857, Calcutta 1940, p. 5.

[29] W. J. CULSHAW-W.G. ARCHER, The Santal Rebellion, The Calcutta Review, 26 (1856), 223-264.

[30] Cf. P. C. ROY CHAUDHURY, The Creation of Santal Parganas, Bengal, Past and Present, 81 (1962), 50-56; J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , pp. 34-40.

[31] Cf. J. HILTON, “The Santals and the Paharias”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 4, p. 159.

[32] Cf. P. BESSIGNET, Tribes of the Northern Borders of Eastern Bengal: Social Research in East Pakistan, Dacca 1960, pp. 152-167.

[33] BANGLADESH BUREAU OF STATISTICS, 1994 Statistical Yearbook of Bangladesh, Dhaka 1995, pp. 24-25.

[34] Cf. GOMES, S. G., “Tribal Identity, Places they Live & their Numerical Strength in Bangladesh” in AA. VV., The Indigenous People …, pp. 33-37.

[35] Cf. THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, The New Encyclopaedia Britanica, vol. 10, Chicago 1986, p. 429.

[36] V. K. KOCHAR, Social Organisation among the Santal, Calcutta 1970 (This quotation is taken from E. DUYKER, Tribal Guerrillas. The Santals of West Bengal and the Naxalite Movement, Delhi 1987, p. 4).

[37] N. DATTA-MAJUMDAR, The Santal: A Study in Culture-Change, Calcutta 1956, pp. 123-124.

[38] According to the tradition, Lita Haram is not other than the Maran Buru, one of the principal deities of the Santals who appeared to the first parents in disguise.

[39] Cf. L. O. SKREFSRUD, Horkoren Mare Hapramko … , pp. 5-15; P. O. BODDING, “Notes on the Santals”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 10, p. 56.

[40] G. A. GRIERSON, “Santali”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 7, pp. 30-31.

[41] The first seven clans are believed to be the descended from the seven sons of the first human pair, Pilcu Haram and Pilcu Budhi and the five other were added afterwards. Concerning the origin of the five additional clans, the following stories are prevalent: The Besra first belonged to the Tudu, but by reason of their offering baske breakfast to the gods while they were in Campa, they were separated and formed under the Baske. The Besras were separated due to the immoral behaviour of their eponym, the licentious one. The Pauria and Core are called after the pigeon and lizard consecutively. The story is, on the occasion of famous tribal hunting party, the members of these two clans failed to kill anything but pigeon and lizard. So they were called after the names of these animals. The Bedea is believed to have arisen during the time of Mandho Sin’ in Campa when the Santals began to come in contact with Hindus. Some Santals say that the mother of Bedea could not say who his father was. The tradition says, most probably the ancestors of Bedea clans are a Kisku girl who had a child with a Hindu boy (non-Santal).

[42] Cf. K. L. BHOWMIK, “Santal. A Tribe of Settled Agriculturists of Eastern India”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 4, p. 44.

[43] W. J. CULSHAW, “The ‘Folk-Consciousness’ of the Santals”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 6, p. 42.

[44] Cf. W. G. ARCHER, The Hill of Flutes. Life, Love and Poetry in Tribal India. A Portrait of the Santals, New Delhi 1974, p. 25 (hereafter cited as The Hill of Flutes …).

[45] Among the Santals, the term bonga is used for various categories of supernatural beings or spirits and impersonal powers. According to Santal belief, in fact, any kind of non-corporeal being may be referred to as bonga. The idea that the Santals are mere worshipers of malevolent spirits is inaccurate. Like other religions, there are benevolent and malevolent bongas in the religious belief system of the Santals.

[46] Cf. S. MAHAPATRA, Modernization and Ritual …, p. 25.

[47] For the identity of Maran Buru, Moreko-Turuiko, Jaher Era, Gosae Era and Pargana Bongas, see pages at 44-47; J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , pp. 80-83.

48 Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , pp. 83-84.

[49] Cf. W. G. ARCHER, Tribal Law and Justice. A Report on the Santal (in three volumes), New Delhi 1984, p. 227 (hereafter cited as Tribal Law and Justice …).

[50] Cf. W. G. ARCHER, Tribal Law and Justice … , p. 578.

[51] Cf. M. CHAKRABORTI-D. MUKHERJI, “The Santal”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 10, p. 77.

[52] Hunting had been for a long time the principal mode of living for the Santals. The Santals still take an intense delight in hunting. Nothing pleases them more than going after game with bows and arrows. They also use hunting spears and axes. Santal hunting expeditions are of two types, one called Disom Sendra or Annual Hunt which usually lasts for three days and this Annual Hunt is one of the important festive occasions which manifests the intimate inter-relationship between the Santals and their bongas. There is an annual hunt priest called dihri. He is chosen because of his knowledge of the appropriate sacrifices and the incantations uttered to the bongas of the forest and hunt so as to assure the success of the hunt and to ward off any harm befalling the hunters. This Annual Hunt involves a number of villages. On the eve of the hunting expedition, the priest of every village partaking in the hunt sacrifices five fowls for the safety of the villagers belonging to his village and to ensure a good catch. The other, called Por Sendra is an informal one day hunt expedition organized at the village level.

[53] Cf. W. G. ARCHER, Tribal Law and Justice … , pp. 542-543.

[54] Ibid., p. xvi.

[55] Cf. Ibid., p. 363.

[56] Janam Chatiar or Birth ceremony has a very critical importance because it bestows social parentage and clan status on the new-born child. It also brings the child into relation with a particular set of family spirits and deities.

[57] According to an immemorial custom, the first son is named after the paternal grandfather and the first daughter after the grandmother. The second child takes the name of the maternal parents. Every child bears two names: bhitri n’utum (inner name) which is never pronounced in the family and cetan n’utum (outer name). The outer name is given to prevent bongas (evil spirits) from knowing the inner name due to the belief that such a knowledge would tempt evil spirits to harm the child.

[58] Cf. L. O. SKREFSRUD, Horkoren Mare Hapramko …, pp. 20-23. The Caco Chatiar ceremony is so important and obligatory that marriage is not permitted to one who has not performed this rite and if one dies without the ceremony his corpse will not be cremated but will be buried. This rite does not apply to women because they are not entitled to participate in the worship of communal traditional bongas.

[59] Cf. Ibid., p. 23.

[60] J. M. MACPHAIL, The Cycle of Seasons in a Santal Village, The Calcutta Review, 1 (1931), 159.

[61] E. G. MAN, Sonthalia and the Sonthals, London 1867, p. 101.

[62] Cf. B. BANNERJEE, “The Social and Ceremonial Life of the Santals culled from various Sources”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 6, pp. 20-21.

[63] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , pp. 167-168.

[64] W. G. ARCHER, The Hill of Flutes …, pp. 328-329.

[65] There is a common saying among the Santals which demonstrates the relation of khut with the worship of the spirits: Mit’ khutren kanale ho ar mit’ khondrele bongak’a (literal meaning: we are of the same stock and we perform sacrifices on the same altar).

[66] The Jaherthan or sacred grove is regarded as the abode of the principal Santal spirits and is established at the end of the village. It is here that, on important occasions, the village priest offers sacrifices to the principal spirits in the name of the village community for the general well-being of the villagers. The association of a village with jaherthan expresses the ritual unity of the village community.

[67] The Manjhithan is a place erected in honour of the Manjhi and it is believed that the Manjhi Bonga (spirit of the headman) resides in this place and acts as the spiritual adviser of the headman. As a rule, it is situated outside the headman’s house on the opposite side of the street. Traditionally, village community meetings take place here but these may be held in the courtyard of the Manjhi house.

[68] The traditional ‘village officials-in-charge’ refer to the Manjhi, the Paranik, the Jog Manjhi, the Jog Paranik, the Godet, the Naeke and the Kudam Naeke.

[69] Cf. V. K. KOCHAR, “Attributes of Societal Status among the Santals”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 6, pp. 111-118; J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , pp. 52-56.

[70] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 56.

[71] As concerns the offices of the officials: 1) Manjhi, a headman, is regarded as the formal spokesman of the village. All matters of any significance are brought to his notice and his opinion and participation is desired in all important matters. The principal duty of the headman is to see that justice is administered according to the traditional rules. Being the head of a democratic society, he cannot exercise any force in any form except through the council; 2) Paranik: in the absence of manjhi, paranik performs the duties of the headman which is to preside over the village council. He may be assisted by jog paranik; 3) Jog Manjhi: a jog manjhi is described as the guardian of morals. His special functions are to preside over the marriage ceremonies, festive rites and ceremonials and to collect evidence about cases brought before the village council; 4) Jog Paranik: jog paranik does not hold any significant position. He may be an assistant of paranik; 5) Godet: being a messenger, godet carries news, summons the village people for any occasion, informs village officials of some matters, collects funds and informs the villagers of any important event in the village; 6) Naeke: a naeke is the spiritual spokesman of the village. He is responsible for the religious rituals and ceremonies. His special function is to offer sacrifice to the bongas (the deities) at jaherthan on behalf of the whole village; in fact, naeke acquires a sacred status in the community. At the Baha festival, naeke is accorded great honour; 7) Kudam Naeke: a kudam naeke performs special sacrifices to the sima-bongas (literally, spirits of the village boundary) with his own blood. He propitiates the “spirits” by scratching his arms till they bleed, mixing the blood with rice and placing it on the spots frequented by the “spirits”. He also propitiates the Pargana bonga by sacrificing a fowl. Both these spirits dealt with by him are notoriously malevolent and have to be dealt with separately (Cf. V. K. KOCHAR, “Village Organization among the Santals” (hereafter cited as “Village Organization …”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 6, pp. 136-139).

[72] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 56.

[73] Cf. V. K. KOCHAR, “Village Organization …”, p. 140.

[74] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 40.

[75] Cf. M. A. JALIL, Bangladesher Saotal: Samaj o Sanskriti( in Bengali), Dhaka 1991, p. 9.

[76] Cf. L. O. SKREFSRUD, Horkoren Mare Hapramko … , pp. 149-156.

[77] Cf. P. D’ COSTA, “The Indigenous People … ”, p. 32; K. L. BHOWMIK, “Santal. A Tribe of Settled Agriculturists of Eastern India”, in J. TROISI, The Santals … , vol. 4, pp. 40-41.

[78] THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, The New Encyclopaedia Britannica. Micropaedia Ready Reference, vol. 4, 1986, p. 673.

[79] In sociology and anthropology, nuclear family is defined as a group of persons united by ties of marriage and parenthood or adoption. It consists of a man, a woman and their socially recognized offspring. It is widely held and believed that the nuclear family is the most oldest and basic universal form of social organization.

[80] The joint family is an extension of the nuclear family in which members of unilineal descent group (a group in which descent through either the male or the female line is emphasized) live together with their spouses and children in one homestead and under the authority of one of the members. For example, a patrilineal joint family consists of an older man and his wife, his sons and unmarried daughters, sons’ wives and children and so forth. It typically grows when children of one sex do not leave their parents’ home at marriage, but bring their wives to live with them. The members of a joint family share all function of the family (Cf. Ibid., vol. 6, p. 600).

[81] An extended family is similar to the joint family except that it does not necessarily live in the same dwelling, but normally the members live close together and work in teams. Moreover, it may include other kin in addition to the members of the nuclear family. The extended family system often, but not necessarily, is resorted to in regions in which economic conditions make it difficult for the nuclear family to achieve self-sufficiency (Cf. Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 636-637).

[82] The neolocal family is the family which is set up by the newly weeded couple. The newly married couple do not live in anybody’s parents’ house, but live in a new residence. This is a common system in the present Western society.

[83] For example, ghar jawae or ghardi jawae takes residence in his father-in-law’s house. Ghar jawae is a permanent serving son-in-law, whereas ghardi jawae, a temporary serving son-in-law. The most common circumstance to take a ghar jawae or ghardi jawae is when a family has got no son but only daughters or when a family has only one marriageable daughter and minor sons.

[84] Cf. AFSAR, M., Essays on Bangladesh Society, Dhaka 1990, pp. 37-47; M. CHAKRABORTI-D. MUKHERJI, “The Santals”, in J. TROISI, The Santals …, vol. 10, pp. 77-78.

[85] N. DATTA-MAJUMDAR, The Santal: A Study in Culture-Change, Calcutta 1956, p. 101.

[86] V. K. KOCHAR, Village Deities of the Santal and Associated Rituals, Anthropos, 61 (1966), 241 (hereafter cited as Village Deities …).

[87] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 73.

[88] Cf. Ibid., p. 75.

[89] Cf. V. K. KOCHAR, Village Deities … , pp. 246-247.

[90] Cf. Ibid., pp. 249-250.

[91] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , pp. 81-82.

[92] Cf. Loc. cit.

[93] Cf. V. K. KOCHAR, Village Deities … , p. 253.

[94] Cf. W. CROOK, “Santal”, in J. HASTINGS (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. 11, New York 1967, pp. 193-194; V. K. KOCHAR, Village Deities … , p. 252.

[95] Cf. V. K. KOCHAR, Village Deities … , p. 254.

[96] H. H. RISLEY, The Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Calcutta, 1891, ii, p. 232.

[97] W. G. ARCHER, The Hill of Flutes …, p. 341.

[98] Cf. M. DOUGLAS, Purity and Danger - An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo, Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books 1966, p. 78.

[99] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 116.

[100] While discussing Christianity, we shall limit our attention to the Roman Catholic Christians only because the great majority of the Santals belong to the Roman Catholic Church.

[101] Cf. CATHOLIC BISHOPS’ CONFERENCE OF BANGLADESH, The Catholic Directory of Bangladesh 1995, Dhaka 1995, pp. 46-47.

[102] L. PINOS, Catholic Beginnings in North Bengal, Dhaka 1994, p. 10 (hereafter cited as Catholic Beginnings …).

[103] Cf. L. PINOS, Catholic Beginnings … , pp. 2-62.

[104] Cf. L. SCUCCATO, I Santal, Dhanjuri 1983 (A Paper presented at a meeting).

[105] Cf. J. TROISI, Tribal Religion … , p. 226.

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1 comments:

  1. This must have taken tremendous effort. Thank you for making this available Peter.

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